China on April 16, 2013 issued a White Paper on national
defense entitled “The
Diversified Employment of China's Armed Forces.” The document is the eighth in series
since the Chinese government issued a White Paper on defense in 1998. The
entire text of the document has 15, 271 Chinese characters consisting of five
sections namely: new Situation,
new challenges and new missions;
building and development of China's Armed Forces; defending national
sovereignty, security and territorial integrity; supporting national economic
and social development; and safeguarding world peace and regional stability.
Besides, there is a preface and some concluding remarks and appendices.
At the outset, the White Paper reiterates China’s resolve to pursue independent foreign policy; need for comprehensive, cooperative and common security; and denounces any form of hegemony and expansionism. It also maintains that the modernization of its defense forces commensurate with China's international standing, security needs and development interests.
The White Paper builds on the existing features of the
earlier white papers, and has perfected and enriched the framework and basic
contents of the subject matter. For the first time, it has added a theme to the
white paper that makes its different from the papers issued during yesteryear.
Under the first section, pointing its fingers at the US, it says that there are signs
of increasing hegemonism, power politics and neo-interventionism while
referring to the US rebalancing its Asia Pacific strategy, and names Japan for making
trouble over the issue of the Diaoyu or Senkaku Islands. It reiterates its
military strategy of winning local wars under the conditions of
informationization, and the diversification of PLA’s military tasks in the
areas such as safeguarding national sovereignty, security and territorial
integrity; supporting China’s peaceful development; intensifying military
preparedness; formulating the concept of comprehensive security and effectively
conducting military operations other than war (MOOTW); deepening security
cooperation and fulfilling international obligations; and following the well
established international laws.
The second section talks about the strategic
administration of the Central Military Commission (CMC), and the actual
strength of the PLA.
It elaborates the composition of China’s armed forces and briefly
touches upon its constituents i.e. the People's Liberation Army (PLA), the
People's Armed Police Force (PAPF) and the militia. For the first time, it
revealed the code numbers of the PLA Army combined corps, as well as the strength
of the PLA. It says that the PLA Army mobile operational units include 18
combined corps, plus additional independent combined operational divisions
(brigades), and have a total strength of 850,000. The PLA Navy (PLAN) has a
total strength of 235,000 officers and men, while the PLA Air Force (PLAAF) has
a total strength of 398,000. The total defense budget for this year has been
pegged at 114 billion US dollars and 123 billion USD has been earmarked for
public security. Surprisingly, the white paper remains silent on the number PAPF
that performs the functions of paramilitary forces and public security, as well
as the PLA Second Artillery Force (PLASAF) in charge China’s strategic weapons and missiles. China perhaps would like to tell the world that
its armed forces are modest in size, that China is transparent about its forces,
and that the PLA is much more confident and capable than ever
before.
Third
section is dedicated to defending national sovereignty, security and
territorial integrity, which it says includes safeguarding a borderline of
22,000 km and a coastline of more than 18,000 km. China has signed border
cooperation agreements with seven neighboring countries, and established
mechanisms with 12 countries for border defense talks and meetings. The white
paper says that based on different tasks, the PLA assume different levels of
readiness (Level III, Level II and Level I), from the lowest degree of
alertness to the highest, carries out scenario-based exercises and drills, and
is intensifying blue water training of its naval forces. It states that since
2007, the PLAN has conducted training in the distant sea waters of the Western
Pacific involving over 90 ships in nearly 20 batches. From April to September
2012, the training vessel Zhenghe completed global-voyage training, paying port
calls to 14 countries and regions.
Section four of
the White paper deals with PLA’s role in China’s economic and social
development. It reveals that since 2011, the PLA and PAPF have contributed more
than 15 million work days and over 1.2 million motor vehicles and machines, and
have been involved in more than 350 major province-level projects that include
building airports, highways, railways and water conservancy facilities. The hydraulic
unit of PAPF has undertaken the construction of 115 projects concerning water
conservancy, hydropower, railways and gas pipelines in Nuozhadu (Yunnan),
Jinping (Sichuan) and Pangduo (Tibet). PAPF’s transportation units have
undertaken the construction of 172 projects, including highways in the Tianshan
Mountains in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, the double-deck viaduct
bridge over the Luotang River in Gansu Province and the Galungla Tunnel along
the Medog Highway in the Tibet Autonomous Region, with a total length of 3,250
km. As far as conservation is concerned, it says the PLA and PAPF have planted
over 14 million trees over the last two years.
The final
section talks about China’s contribution towards world peace and regional stability,
as it says that China has been actively participating in the UN peace keeping missions
since 1990, international disaster relief and humanitarian aid since 2002, has
been safeguarding the security of international SLOCs, and carrying out joint military
exercises and training with foreign armed forces since 2002.
As
far as India is concerned, it figures at four places in all five sections.
The reference is made in the context of joint military exercises and training; the
defense and security consultations with neighboring
countries, and escort schedules and convoy deployment.
In final analysis the series of White Papers on defense demonstrates China’s
economic as well as military self assurance. It is also an attempt to enhance
the level of transparency as regards military spending, its defense policy and
goals, and hence to showcase China as a responsible stakeholder in the global
system.
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