Wednesday, October 23, 2013

狄伯杰:中印关系将定义国际新秩序

【印】狄伯杰
  近年来,印度一直因政策无能而饱受指责。而令人惊讶的是,尽管印度与中国之间存在政治不信任以及其他消极因素,但两国关系不仅显露出成熟,而且比以往更深、更广。
  印度总理辛格本月将访问中国。此次访问是对中国总理李克强今年5月访印的回访,也标志着1954年后两国政府首脑首次在同一年内实现互访。这表明印中关系正在向战略深度发展,同时两国关系也在多个不同领域不断得到扩展和加深。
  试想一下,印度与中国的边境陷入动荡会怎样?正是由于现有的边界机制,两国边境才得以维持和平。印中已签署一系列边界协议,这些协议并不是两极 世界、冷战和印中不对称力量结构的副产品,而是两国从敌对和冷战中汲取出来的经验,是两国在建立外交关系之后相互接触和友好关系的结果。这些冲突管理机制 一再强调,印中边界问题应通过和平友好磋商的方式加以解决。
  印中在实际控制线的对峙表明,双方任何试图增强驻扎边界军事力量的举动都将造成更多紧张局势。而这些对峙的和平解决则反映了,双边关系正逐渐走向成熟,双方都有信心和意愿解决危机,防止危机滑入危险境地。
  两国的贸易和商业发展正处于自印度独立以来最好的时期。10年前,双边贸易额仅为50亿美元,但在2011年已经跃升至740亿美元。正如安全 领域的冲突管理机制,印中在贸易和商业领域也建立了一系列磋商机制。但尽管如此,双方的行动仍然十分谨小慎微,在经济合作领域依然会考虑到安全问题的成 见。印中联合研究小组的一项研究认为,两国之间的贸易仍然具有大幅提高的潜力。高速铁路和其他基础设施项目的投资被认为是重要机会。对于印度而言,这将是 学习中国经验的机会。同样,为了解决贸易逆差问题,中国可能会给予印度更多的市场准入。
  两国的民间交往目前处于最好阶段,有超过60万印度人每年来到中国。在中国大学学习的印度学生数量超过1万人。尤其值得一提的是,9月21日至24日在北京、9月26日至27日在印度分别举行首届两国媒体交流大会。派驻对方国家的记者数量也在增加。
  尽管印度和中国的状况已经不同于10年前,但两国在全球舞台的合作依然得到加强。尽管两国在经济发展和人民生活水平等领域的差距不断拉大,但双方在世界舞台的交流依然不断增多。两国已在气候变化、国际金融机构民主化等问题上找到了利益共同点。
  虽然印中关系在各个领域均处于最佳阶段,但依然在一些历史遗留问题上存在竞争。未得到解决的边界问题依然是各个层次相互猜疑的根本原因。尽管如 此,印中双边关系依然强劲有力。两国都意识到,全球政治结构正在经历根本性变革,力量平衡正在逐渐由大西洋转换到太平洋。尼赫鲁的“亚洲复兴”梦想和邓小 平的“亚洲世纪”展望似乎正在成真,但未来它们的实现有赖于印中关系,因为两国关系不仅将定义亚洲的新国际政治秩序,同时也将定义世界的。▲(作者 B.R.Deepak是印度尼赫鲁大学中国和东南亚研究中心教授,本文由伊文翻译)

Manmohan Singh’s China Visit and India-China Relations: Despite Negativity the relationship is broader and deeper than ever before



In recent years, India’s has been widely criticized for its policy paralysis, which has been reflected in the dwindling economic performance and all time low Rupee depreciation on the one hand and dysfunctional foreign policy on the other, especially when it comes to India’s smaller neighbors.  At the outset, it halted the subsidized fuel supply to Bhutan just prior to the general election in July 2013. It became an election issue there and the then prime minister and chief of the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa, Jigme Thinley suffered a defeat.  Secondly, the Indian Parliament scuttled the Land Boundary agreement between India and Bangladesh at India’s own peril in early September 2013, for the passage of the legislation would have enabled the swapping of enclaves thus solving our boundary issue with Bangladesh, and also bring relief to the hapless people living in these enclaves without any basic amenities since last 65 years! Worse, it would be an election issue too that would weaken the hands of pro-India Bangladesh prime minister and Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina, and strengthen the hands of Jehadi and anti-India forces in Bangladesh. It has shown equal political immaturity when the government put on hold the dialogue process following the beheading  of an Indian soldier and mutilation of another in an attack by Pakistani troops in Poonch sector in January 2013. Surprisingly, India’s relations with China have not only shown the maturity but are broader and deeper than ever before notwithstanding the negativity and political mistrust between the two.
           
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s China visit is falling a few months prior to the 60th anniversary of the signing of the Panchsheel agreement between India and China, the first ever confidence building measure (CBM) or the conflict management mechanism (CMM) between free India and China. The visit, which is a return visit to the visit of the Chinese Premier Li Keqiang to New Delhi in May, will mark the first instance of back-to-back visits by leaders of two countries in the same year since 1954.  It would maintain the momentum of the visits at the highest level, and is a pointer to the fact that India-China relations are moving towards a strategic depth as these have widened and deepened at various levels.  Let us examine the following facets of this relationship:

Security scenario

Imagine if India’s borders with China plunge in the kind of volatility we have witnessed with our western neighbor! Thanks to the existing border mechanisms that India-China border has remained peaceful and there has not been a single incident of bloodshed for almost half a century.  The Joint Working Group (JWG) on border in the wake of Rajiv Gandhi’s December 1988 China visit could be regarded as the second CMM after the Panchsheel. The “Agreement on Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China border area signed on September 7, 1993; the Agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field Along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China border areas signed on November 29, 1996; and the Protocol on the Political Parameters and Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the India-China Boundary Question signed on April 11 2005 are unique in a way that these are not the byproduct of bipolarity of the world, neither the cold war, and nor the asymmetrical force structure between India and China; rather the evolution of these CMMs could be seen as lessons learnt by India and China from the hostilities and Cold War, and the result of the rapprochement and engagement after the establishment of diplomatic ties between India and China. The CMMs have emphasized time and again that India-China boundary question shall be resolved through peaceful and friendly consultations. Neither side shall use or threaten to use force against the other by any means.

Even though there have been reports of troop transgression or incursion at the Line of Actual Control, but this has been owing to the differing perceptions about the LAC by India and China. In the wake of such incidents, India and China in early 2012, signed Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC) at Joint Secretary Level of ministries of foreign affairs of the two countries especially for timely communication of information on the border situation, and for appropriately handling border incidents. In March 2012 both sides also agreed to undertake joint operations against pirates and sharing technological knowhow on seabed research. Another mechanisms, the Border Defense Cooperation Agreement (BDCA) that proposes the prevention of face-offs like Depsung Bulge of April-May along the LAC. The agreement could be concluded during Singh’s China visit.

The face offs along LAC are an indicator that any attempts to enhance the military capacity along the borders by both India and China may create further tension along the LAC and vitiate the security environment. On the other hand, the peaceful resolution of these face-offs point to the maturing nature of ties, and that both sides have the will and confidence to dissolve the crisis bilaterally and prevent the crisis from acquiring dangerous proportions; on the other hand, it is also a pointer to the fact that India-China relations remains “fragile” and the border issue is the root cause of most of the trust deficit and mutual suspicion, if not handled properly could rekindle the animosities in no time, and that the existing mechanisms have been effective in maintaining the peace and tranquility along the border, however, have also demonstrated that these fall short of finding a solution to the border issue. Therefore, it becomes imperative for both India and China to show political will and resolve, and reach an agreeable resolution of the border as soon as possible so that a way is paved for a firmer hand shake and trust.

CMMs at different level as well as “Memorandum of Understanding for Reinforcing Communication and Cooperation in the Defense Areas” between India and China signed during Pranab Mukherji’s, the then Defense Minister of India China visit, literally made joint military exercises on counter terrorism, fight against piracy, joint search and rescue between these two countries possible, albeit there still exists security deficit which is manifested in the form of visa refusal to Lieutenant General B. S. Jaswal, of the Northern Command by China in 2010, and suspension of defense ties by India with China in a tit-for-tat move. Irrespective of minor hic ups the overall environment has increasingly shown remarkable improvement. There are exchanges between all the three armed services of India and China at various levels never seen before.

Trade and commerce scenario

The trade and commerce between the two has never been so good in the history of independent India.  Bilateral trade a decade back was just 5 billion US dollars, but rose to 74 billion dollars in 2011. However, owing to global economic meltdown coupled with India’s own macroeconomic policies, it dropped to around USD 66 billion in 2012. The target of taking it to the mark of 100 billion US dollars in the backdrop these dwindling figures and widening trade deficit of around 30 billion US dollars for India may derail the projections. As we have seen CMMs in security, the trade and commerce have also witnessed the establishment of the Joint Economic Group (JEG) on Economic Relations and Trade, Science and Technology at Ministerial Level established in 1988; Joint Working Group (JWG) on Trade at Joint Secretary Level established in 2003; The India-China Joint Business Council (JBC) between Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) on the Indian side and the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT); India-China Trade Remedy Cooperation mechanism at Joint Secretary Level, and many other JWG in other sectors like coal and steel etc.. In order to deepen and elevate the current levels of exchanges at micro and macro levels, both sides agreed to establish the annual Strategic Economic Dialogue (SED) since 2011. During the second SED held in Delhi 11 MoUs worth $5.2 billion were signed.

Notwithstanding such initiatives, the approach from both the sides has remained cautious and incremental. There are also prejudices as regards security issue amidst economic cooperation. A study conducted by the JSG about the trade patterns between India and China suggests that a very significant potential exists for substantial expansion of trade between the two countries. The investment in high speed railway and other infrastructural building projects could be considered as big opportunity windows to both the countries.  For India it could prove as an opportunity to learn from the Chinese experience, for it was during last 30 years of experience that China could develop its own technologies, perfect its  manufacturing facilities, bring in new managerial practices and become self reliant in many sectors, like heavy machinery and computer hardware. Conversely in order to address the balance of trade issue, China could give a bigger market access to Indian pharmaceutical and IT companies in the Chinese markets.

 People to people exchange scenario

The people to people exchanges are at the best; there has never been so many people traveling from one country to another. Over 600,000 Indian people have been traveling to China annually comprising of businessmen, academics, tourists, governments officials, cultural troupes and so on. Indian students studying in Chinese university alone, accounts for over ten thousand. The governments have taken various initiatives, be it the exchange of students; youth delegations; cultural festivals; media exchanges; and Cooperation in Mutual Translation and Publication of Classic and Contemporary Works. Worth mentioning are the first ever and back to back Media Exchange conferences held in Beijing between September 21 and 24, and in Delhi between September 26 and 27. Interestingly much of the negativity is created by the media only whether print or electronic, and most of it revolves around border, PLA and other security issues in India.   The Indian delegation that visited China was amused to see the kind of changes that were taking place in media, and how the Chinese media has geared themselves to the needs of 600 million plus netizens, and how the social media was emerging as a watchdog in a society where it is believed that freedom of expression was a taboo. The number of reporters stationed in India and China has also gone up, albeit the number of Indian reporters in China remains low in proportion to Chinese reporters in India.  

Global scenario

Even though the state of India and China is different from it was a decade or couple of years back when both India and China witnessed impressive growth rates to the tune of over 8 and 9 percents, the cooperation at global stage has strengthened even if India’s economic performance has dwindled to 4.4 percent this year. Even though the gap between India and China is widening in terms of economic development and overall living standards of their population, both have witnessed increased level of engagement at world arena. Both have found some real convergence of interests on issues such as climate change, democratization of international financial institutions through multilateral forums such as Russia-China-India Strategic Triangle, Brazil; Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS); Brazil-South Africa-India-China (BASIC); the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF); East Asian Summits (EAS); G 20 and other multilateral forums such as both the countries being observers in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). India and China have also initiated dialogue on terrorism and Afghanistan.

The multilateral cooperation has been used to strengthen the bilateral relations by both the countries, and both are working towards raising the level of bilateral relationship with the hope of creating larger stakes in each other’s economic systems through complementarities and interdependence. These have also resulted in China scaling down its policy of supporting India’s neighbors.  Even though the relations have been best at bilateral, regional and multilateral level, there are elements of competition along with the problems left over from the history. The unresolved boundary issue remains the fundamental cause for mistrust at every level. China’s ‘all weather friendship’ with Pakistan and supplying the latter with sophisticated military weaponry including the missiles and nuclear technology, has cropped up time and again when referring to security environment. China using water as a weapon to coerce India has also created a negative image in India, albeit it largely remains the creation of media hype. Conversely, China has also accused India of meddling in its internal affairs by encouraging the Dalai Lama to engage is separatist activities, and also by fishing in the troubled waters of South China Sea on the one hand and coming closer to the US, and Japan for containment of China on the other. The joint statement signed during Singh-Obama meeting in US on 28th September that envisages closer defense and strategic ties, and India’s decision to participate in the Rim of Pacific (RIMPAC) naval exercises in 2014 would certainly ruffle some feathers in Beijing.

Nevertheless, despite of all the negativity and an element of competition, the bilateral ties are robust. Both have acknowledged that the global political architecture is undergoing a fundamental transformation with balance of power gradually shifting from the Atlantic to Pacific. The notion of Nehru’s ‘resurgent Asia’ and Deng Xiaoping’s ‘Asian Century’ seems to hold ground, however, the future these notions would largely depend on the relationship between India and China, for the relationship will not only define the contours of new international political order in Asia but also the world at large.